Ruffled feathers
From "The Economist" magazine
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Dispatch from Iran
Dec 17th 2013, 21:58 by S.R. | TEHRAN IRAN’S new government of President Hassan Rohani is facing mounting
opposition at home for its endeavours abroad. The administration dodged
any serious backlash from conservatives in Tehran for its interim
nuclear deal with six world powers. But recent remarks by government
ministers have caused discontent all the way to the top of the powerful
military.
On December 10th, in a speech at Imam Sadegh
University in Tehran, Muhammad Ali Jafari, the head of the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), took a swing at Foreign Minister and
chief nuclear negotiator Muhammad Javad Zarif, who on December 4th at
Tehran University said that American forces would only need “one bomb”
to destroy Iran’s military capability. “We consider him to be an
experienced and expert diplomat, but he does not have experience in the
military field to make these statements,” Mr Jafari said. In fact, if
America were to strike Iran with thousands of bombs, Mr Jafari
continued, only 10 to 20% of Iran’s military capability would be
destroyed.
The criticism did not end there. Mr
Jafari criticised some of the Rohani Government’s “methods” for being
similar to those of the previous administration under the now
widely-ostracised Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The current government has become
“polluted with Western doctrines and a fundamental change must be
made,” Mr Jafari said. Meanwhile, 53 members (out of 290) of Iran’s
parliament have summoned Mr Zarif to explain his comments.
While
some conservative groups in Iran have been wary of the new government
from its first days in office, Mr Rohani has enjoyed backing from
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to engage in nuclear talks. He and Mr Zarif
also went to great pains to secure the approval of powerful conservative
clerics. As a result, Mr Rohani can boast unprecedented progress on the
nuclear file, but the reproach from Mr Jafari is a reminder that not
everyone is equally impressed. “As soon as Rohani begins to rear his
head and try something new, we see this pressure from the conservative
wings,” says Alex Vatanka, an Iran expert at the Middle East Institute
in WashingtonDC. “The reason is that reforms mean less power for people
like Jafari.”
Indeed, Mr Rohani seems keen to curb the
direct influence of the Revolutionary Guard on the government. He
appointed only four IRGC veterans to his 18-strong ministerial cabinet.
The president also replaced all the governors-general of Iran’s 31
provinces, who were chosen by Mr Ahmadinejad. Among Rohani's new
appointees, only four are connected to the Guard (that's the point: it
is both in the cabinet and in the provinces he is purging the
IRGC), while Mr Ahmadinejad had picked 17 provincial representatives
from the ranks of the IRGC.
Mr Jafari, a veteran of the
Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, considers the strength of Iran’s military as
key. “What caused the enemy to sit at the negotiations table was the
nation of Iran’s defense capabilities, which we hope to guard,” he said on December 12th in a speech at a congress for the Martyrs of Scientific Jihad.
It
is hardly the first time the commander has admonished a sitting
government. While factions of the IRGC had it out for Mr Ahmadinejad
during much of his presidency, Mr Jafari was also instrumental in
checking the power of Mr Ahmadinejad’s predecessor. In a 1999 letter
addressed to then-president Mohammad Khatami, to which Mr Jafari was a
main signatory, 24 IRGC commanders gave the president an ultimatum,
warning that if he did not deal forcefully with student protests ongoing
at the time, their patience would run out. When government forces
subsequently cracked down on the protests, they also spelled the end of
much of Mr Khatami’s reformist agenda. So far, Mr Rohani has navigated
the deep divisions within the Iranian system skilfully. To avoid the
same fate as Mr Khatami, he will have to know when to take a step back.
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